Exam 4: Attacking Rehabilitation

Liberals argued that the indeterminate sentence had been fundamentally corrupted and transformed into a tyrannical tool for prison officials. For example, wardens did not earn economic security by reforming offenders, rather their job tenure was intimately dependent on their ability to __________.

All of the following describe the way radicals felt during the 1960s and 1970s except:

According to Richard Quinney, __________ became a code word for all that was wrong with American society, a symbol of the disruptive forces that were undermining traditional patterns of authority and precipitating the decay of the social fabric.

In the 1960s, many conservative scholars and politicians argued that too many rights were accorded to criminal defendants over the previous two decades. In addition, they argued that we coddle lawbreakers because we think they should be __________, rather than __________.

Briefly explain the radicals' position on the conservatives' call for harsh flat terms and the liberals' call for determinate sentencing. That is, when will "doing justice" work, according to radicals?

Liberals asserted that while judges were entrusted with sufficient discretion to develop an individualized treatment program for each offender that passes through the criminal justice system, this discretionary power had eventuated in little treatment and much abuse within the confines of the prison. In fact, ample case evidence is available that convincingly shows that discretionary justice is the equivalent of __________.

In a 1976 presentation, Sam Steiger argued that our criminal justice system not only fails to solve the crime problem but actually promotes and sustains the problem. According to Steiger, how is this so?

Under the principle of just deserts, the exclusive purpose of a prison sentence is to ___________.

In 1976, it was declared that __________ can no longer be trusted to possess the freedom to send offenders back into society. Therefore, their discretion must be constrained.

The emergence of __________ marked the beginning of a period in which the legitimacy of state authority was subjected to continued and widespread debate among liberal forces.

Discuss in detail the conservative attack of "getting tough" on crime and the liberal attack on "doing justice." Where do the two political ideologies agree and where do they differ?

Conservatives argued that at the core of the problem, the criminal justice system has become more concerned with __________ than with __________.

Identify at least three things that occurred in the 1960s and 1970s that led liberals to mistrust the state. In other words, what types of social disruptions occurred in this era that led liberals to question the legitimacy of state authority?

According to conservatives, since free will is exercised in the commission of all but the exceptional crime, __________, not __________, should be held responsible for their actions and thus fully deserve to be legally sanctioned by the state.

Conservatives warned that the permissiveness evident in other institutional spheres had crept into our correctional system. Briefly explain what this means.

Conservatives rejected the positivist reasoning that criminals are pathological and that moral blame for the crime problem ultimately rests with society. Instead, conservatives argued that offenders break the law when?

According to liberals, when prison terms are warranted, they should not exceed __________ years.

In the 1960s into the 1970s, which political ideology believed that to solve the failures of American criminal justice, rehabilitation and the indeterminate sentence had to be abandoned and replaced by the principles of just deserts and determinacy?

Conservatives launched a two-pronged attack against the rampant lawlessness plaguing the social order. What were these two "prongs"?

In a radical transformation of perspective, liberals asserted that it is not the implementation of the theory of rehabilitation that is faulty, but the theory itself. Liberals identified three reasons why we should talk about the "crime of treatment"-problems in theory, doing harm, and the administration of injustice. Discuss these ideas in more detail. In your answer, make sure to identify how these concepts are detrimental to making the philosophy of rehabilitation successful.